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Diplomatic History of World War 1:
Negotiations During the War

1. Japanese Intervention
2. Turkish Intervention
3. Italy's Entry into the War
4. Bulgaria, Rumania & Greece
5. Plans for Partition of the Ottoman Empire
a. Constantinople Agreement
b. Egypt
c. Nejd Treaty and McMahon Letters
d. Sykes-Picot Agreement
e. St.-Jean-de-Maurienne Agreement


Bulgaria

On the very day of Italy's declaration of war, the Central Powers made a formal bid for Bulgaria's friendly neutrality. Though reduced in territory as a result of the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, that nation still commanded the principal communication lines between Austria-Hungary and Turkey; its intervention on the Allied side would require Austria to divert substantial resources from the Russian front and the Italian frontier and would make it much more difficult for Turkey to resist the British in the Dardanelles. Consequently, the Central Powers dangled before the Bulgarian government the promise of a heavy loan, the prompt cession of Serbian Macedonia, and the transfer to Bulgaria of the lands she had lost to Greece and Rumania if those states should intervene on the Allied side.

The Bulgarian government already leaned toward the Central Powers. The Bulgarian king, Ferdinand I, was a German prince who had favored joining Germany and Austria-Hungary from the outset of the war. The premier, Vasil Radoslavov, had merely insisted on waiting until a favorable opportunity presented itself. With the offer of the Central Powers in hand, Radoslavov became less cautious. On May 29, he received a counterproposal from the Allies, offering Bulgaria part of Serbian Macedonia, Thrace to the Enez-Midye line, and Kavalla, and promising in addition to "regulate" the long-standing Bulgarian-Rumanian conflict over Dobruja. Attractive though these terms might have been, they were all contingent on the agreement of Serbia, Greece, and Rumania and on the ability of the Allies to compensate those states elsewhere. Ferdinand and Radoslavov realized that the Central Powers, if victorious, would be in a better position to reward Bulgaria, and they continued negotiations with Berlin, Vienna, and Constantinople. In July, they secured from Turkey a concession forced in their behalf by the Germans and Austrians. Turkey ceded to Bulgaria, in a treaty ratified on September 22, the land west of the Maritsa and both banks of that river, except for the city of Edirne (Adrianople). Meanwhile, on September 6, the Bulgarian government agreed to a secret alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary. By its terms, Bulgaria was to join in operations against Serbia and was in compensation to receive after the war all of Serbian Macedonia and most of northeastern Serbia as far as the Morava River; if Greece and Rumania entered the war, Bulgaria was also to receive the lands lost earlier to them.

As German and Austrian forces mobilized for a southward offensive, the Serbs yielded to urgent pressure from the British and French and offered Bulgaria immediate concessions in Macedonia, but the Bulgarian government was not deterred from its course. In October 1915, when the forces of the Central Powers struck the Serbian lines, Bulgarian troops joined them. Bulgaria declared war on Serbia on October 14, and within a few days Serbia and the other Allies declared war on her.


Rumania

At the time of Italy's intervention in the war, Rumania had almost thrown in her lot with the Allies. The pro-German king, Carol I, a cousin of the German emperor, had died in October 1914, and had been replaced by his ineffectual nephew, Ferdinand I. A number of leading Rumanian statesmen, including most of the Liberal Party leaders and Take lonescu and Nicholas Filipescu of the Conservative Party, advocated joining the Allies, but the premier, Ion Bratianu, insisted on opportunistic caution and succeeded in resisting demands that Rumania act in concert with Italy. Throughout the first two years of the war, Bratianu held his ground. Ever more tempting blandishments were laid before him by the representatives of the Central Powers and the Allies, but not until the summer of 1916 did he weaken. By that time the Allies were offering to double the territory of prewar Rumania by ceding to her Bucovina, Transylvania, the Banat of Temesvar, Maramures, and Cri5ana. Moreover, the Austrians had denuded the Hungarian frontier in order to mount an offensive against Italy, and this constituted an open invitation, as an Austrian statesman later wrote, for "a Rumanian military promenade." Bratianu gave in and on Aug. 17, 1916, signed with the Allies the Treaty of Bucharest, under which Rumania was to receive all that they had previously offered in return for a prompt attack on Austria-Hungary. Despite a divided vote in his cabinet, Bratianu kept this pledge, and, on August 27, declared war.


Greece

The Greek government also came close to joining the Allies in 1915, not because of the Italian intervention but because of the Turkish concessions to Bulgaria. The most popular public figure in the country, Eleutherios Venizelos, had been in favor of Greece's entering the war in 1914, but the king, Constantine I, and the royalist party had insisted successfully on a policy of neutrality. With evidence that Bulgaria was about to enter the war, however, Venizelos renewed his appeals, arguing that Greece should fulfill her 1913 treaty with Serbia, by the terms of which she was to send 150,000 troops to Serbia's aid if that nation were attacked by Bulgaria. In August 1915, the king reluctantly recalled Venizelos to the premiership and even more reluctantly accepted Venizelos' decision that, since Greece did not have the requisite 150,000 men, the Greek government should invite the Allies to send such a force through Greece to the aid of Serbia. The premier issued the invitation, and in October an Allied force landed at Salonika. When Venizelos stirred the National Assembly to a vote in favor of war with Bulgaria and Turkey, however, the king balked. He forced Venizelos to resign on October 5, and brought in first Alexandros ZaImes and then Stephanos Skoulodes as premiers who would preserve Greek neutrality.

Both the Central Powers and the Allies exerted continual and mounting pressure on the Greek government. Bulgaria seized a fortress on the Greek frontier. The French commander at Salonika, Gen. Maurice P. E. Sarrail, fomented antiroyalist agitation; and the French government eventually made a formal demand that the king hold new elections, presumably so that Venizelos' popularity could be proved. Then, after Rumania joined the Allies, Venizelos proclaimed an open revolt, set up a provisional government at Salonika, and on Nov. 25, 1916, issued a declaration of war against Germany and Bulgaria. Aided by French and British funds and naval support, he succeeded in establishing his sway over roughly half the country. In June 1917, Constantine agreed to abdicate and allow his young son, Alexander, to become king and Venizelos to resume office as premier. Venizelos immediately sent

Greek troops into battle alongside the Allies, and the governments of the Central Powers soon formally recognized a state of war with Greece.

 

 

 

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